IV. RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT LINKS TO AND CONTACTS WITH THE TRUMP CAMPAIGN The Ofﬁce identiﬁed multiple contacts—“links,” in the words of the Appointment Order— between Trump Campaign ofﬁcials and individuals with ties to the Russian government. The Ofﬁce investigated whether those contacts constituted a third avenue of attempted Russian interference with or inﬂuence on the 2016 presidential election. In particular, the investigation examined whether these contacts involved or resulted in coordination or a conspiracy with the Trump Campaign and Russia, including with respect to Russia providing assistance to the Campaign in exchange for any sort of favorable treatment in the future. Based on the available information, the investigation did not establish such coordination. This Section describes the principal links between the Trump Campaign and individuals with ties to the Russian government, including some contacts with Campaign ofﬁcials or associates that have been publicly reported to involve Russian contacts. Each subsection begins with an overview of the Russian contact at issue and then describes in detail the relevant facts, which are generally presented in chronological order, beginning with the early months of the Campaign and extending through the post-election, transition period. A. Campaign Period (September 2015 — November 8, 2016) Russian-government-connected individuals and media entities began showing interest in Trump’s campaign in the months after he announced his candidacy in June 2015.288 Because Trump’s status as a public ﬁgure at the time was attributable in large part to his prior business and entertainment dealings, this Ofﬁce investigated whether a business contact with Russia-linked individuals and entities during the campaign period—the Trump Tower Moscow project, see Volume 1, Section IV.A.l, infra—led to or involved coordination of election assistance. Outreach from individuals with ties to Russia continued in the spring and summer of 20 1 6, when Trump was moving toward-wand eventually becomingmthe Republican nominee for President. As set forth below, the Ofﬁce also evaluated a series of links during this period: outreach to two of Trump’s then—recently named foreign policy advisors, including a representation that Russia had “dirt” on Clinton in the form of thousands of emails (Volume 1, Sections IV.A.2 & IV.A.3); dealings with a D.C.-based think tank that specializes in Russia and has connections with its government (Volume 1, Section IV.A.4); a meeting at Trump Tower between the Campaign and a Russian lawyer promising dirt on candidate Clinton that was “part of ‘ Russia and its government’s support for [Trump]” (Volume 1, Section IV.A.S); events at the Republican National Convention (Volume 1, Section IV.A.6); post-Convention contacts between Trump Campaign ofﬁcials and Russia’s ambassador to the United States (Volume 1, Section IV.A.7); and contacts through campaign chairman Paul Manafort, who had previously worked for a Russian oligarch and a pro-Russian political party in Ukraine (Volume 1, Section IV.A.S). 283 For example, on August 18, 2015, on behalf of the editor-in-chief of the internet newspaper Vngzad, Georgi Asatryan emailed campaign press secretary Hope Hicks asking for a phone or in-person candidate interview. 8/18/15 Email, Asatryan to Hicks. One day earlier, the publication’s founder (and former Russian parliamentarian) Konstantin Rykov had registered two Russian websites—Trump2016.ru and DonaldTrump2016.ru. No interview took place.
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