Mueller Report Page 74 of 448

Text Translation


The Office identified multiple contacts—“links,” in the words of the Appointment Order—
between Trump Campaign officials and individuals with ties to the Russian government. The
Office investigated whether those contacts constituted a third avenue of attempted Russian
interference with or influence on the 2016 presidential election. In particular, the investigation
examined whether these contacts involved or resulted in coordination or a conspiracy with the
Trump Campaign and Russia, including with respect to Russia providing assistance to the
Campaign in exchange for any sort of favorable treatment in the future. Based on the available
information, the investigation did not establish such coordination.

This Section describes the principal links between the Trump Campaign and individuals
with ties to the Russian government, including some contacts with Campaign officials or associates
that have been publicly reported to involve Russian contacts. Each subsection begins with an
overview of the Russian contact at issue and then describes in detail the relevant facts, which are
generally presented in chronological order, beginning with the early months of the Campaign and
extending through the post-election, transition period.

A. Campaign Period (September 2015 — November 8, 2016)

Russian-government-connected individuals and media entities began showing interest in
Trump’s campaign in the months after he announced his candidacy in June 2015.288 Because
Trump’s status as a public figure at the time was attributable in large part to his prior business and
entertainment dealings, this Office investigated whether a business contact with Russia-linked
individuals and entities during the campaign period—the Trump Tower Moscow project, see
Volume 1, Section IV.A.l, infra—led to or involved coordination of election assistance.

Outreach from individuals with ties to Russia continued in the spring and summer of 20 1 6,
when Trump was moving toward-wand eventually becomingmthe Republican nominee for
President. As set forth below, the Office also evaluated a series of links during this period:
outreach to two of Trump’s then—recently named foreign policy advisors, including a
representation that Russia had “dirt” on Clinton in the form of thousands of emails (Volume 1,
Sections IV.A.2 & IV.A.3); dealings with a D.C.-based think tank that specializes in Russia and
has connections with its government (Volume 1, Section IV.A.4); a meeting at Trump Tower
between the Campaign and a Russian lawyer promising dirt on candidate Clinton that was “part of ‘
Russia and its government’s support for [Trump]” (Volume 1, Section IV.A.S); events at the
Republican National Convention (Volume 1, Section IV.A.6); post-Convention contacts between
Trump Campaign officials and Russia’s ambassador to the United States (Volume 1, Section
IV.A.7); and contacts through campaign chairman Paul Manafort, who had previously worked for
a Russian oligarch and a pro-Russian political party in Ukraine (Volume 1, Section IV.A.S).

283 For example, on August 18, 2015, on behalf of the editor-in-chief of the internet newspaper
Vngzad, Georgi Asatryan emailed campaign press secretary Hope Hicks asking for a phone or in-person
candidate interview. 8/18/15 Email, Asatryan to Hicks. One day earlier, the publication’s founder (and
former Russian parliamentarian) Konstantin Rykov had registered two Russian websites—
and No interview took place.


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